Trump’s return to ‘law and order’ highlights a sore spot for Democrats: crime policy
When President Trump launched an effort to address crime in Washington, D.C., he argued that the source of the city’s problems was clear.
“This dire public safety crisis stems directly from the abject failures of the city’s local leadership,” Trump said from the White House last week. “The Democrats are weak on crime. Totally weak on crime,” he later added.
Throughout his time in office, Trump has criticized Democratic-led cities for what he calls “radical left” policies on criminal justice. Those attacks have grown sharper in recent days, as the president took the extraordinary step of nationalizing the D.C. police force and deploying the National Guard — all while signaling other cities may be next.
Democrats have decried Trump’s actions, arguing that while crime did surge nationwide during the pandemic, numbers have since fallen. Nonetheless, the move has exposed a political sore spot for Democrats, who have struggled to counter GOP efforts to frame itself as the party of “law and order” and establish a credible message of their own in the minds of many voters.
“The Republicans have been beating the brains out of the Democrats on these issues,” said James Morone, a political science professor at Brown University, adding that the more holistic Democratic approach to criminal justice policy has proved difficult to communicate.
“It sounds soft, ‘hey, we’ve got to worry about income flows, we have to worry about drug addiction, we have to worry about community policing,'” he said. “It’s very hard to get that message across when someone is yelling, ‘Let’s just lock ’em all up.'”
Democrats have struggled to respond to ‘law and order’
Democrats have sought to frame Trump’s actions as an attempt to distract from the administration’s handling of the Jeffrey Epstein case. And they were quick to dispute his claims about D.C., highlighting data shared by the Justice Department showing violent crime in the city hit a 30-year low last year and that other cities appear to be making similar progress, as murders are down around the country.
“The statistics speak for themselves,” said Mitch Landrieu, the former Democratic mayor of New Orleans. “It’s hard to out-message the president, especially one that lies when his mouth is moving. But you just got to battle back and rely on people to understand the facts as they are and to be really smart.”

That said, a Gallup poll from October found that a majority of Americans described crime in the U.S. as an “extremely” or “very serious” problem. When voters were asked who they trusted more on issues of crime and safety, exit polling from the election showed a narrow majority were more likely to trust Trump over former Vice President Kamala Harris.
It’s an issue Democrats have wrestled with for years, as Republicans have targeted them for policies they dismiss as soft on crime — such as cashless bail and calls to “defund the police.”
“The Republicans have sort of played this like a fiddle for generations,” former New York City Mayor Bill de Blasio said in an interview.
De Blasio held the city’s top job for two terms starting in 2014, during which time he faced a slew of intraparty battles over crime and policing.
Despite overseeing a steady drop in major felony offenses until 2021, de Blasio conceded that GOP attacks made it difficult to demonstrate wins on the issue.
“[It] didn’t matter in the eyes of the police unions, didn’t matter in the eyes of the Republican Party,” he said. “I struggle with it. And I honestly, I feel almost silly saying it now that I could not accept a world in which truth and perception were so radically out of whack.”

How Republicans have used progressive policies as a cudgel
In his announcement last week, Trump repeatedly cited cashless bail as the cause of rising crime, even though policy experts caution there isn’t data to back up that claim.
Despite Trump’s attention on the issue, it’s far from an official Democratic Party policy. While several jurisdictions around the country have implemented different bail reforms, politicians on the left have also sparred over the policy.
Democrats faced similar criticism during Trump’s first term as the “defund the police” movement gained traction in the wake of nationwide protests after the murder of George Floyd by a Minneapolis police officer in 2020.
While some city leaders ultimately reduced portions of police budgets and allocated that money for other services, many also came out against the idea. Then-presidential candidate Joe Biden flat-out rejected the “defund” movement, and congressional Democrats largely steered clear, instead pushing for other reforms.

Messaging versus policy
For some inside the party, the “defund” movement was an example of bad policy that created a space for Republicans to attack Democrats. In the years since Floyd’s death, Trump has continued to link the policy with Democratic leaders.
“They created a much bigger opening for Trump to make this a winning issue for himself … Because for too many years, we were weak and in the wrong place on these fundamental issues of law and order,” said Jonathan Cowan, the president and co-founder of the centrist think tank Third Way.
“Democrats are still climbing out of the hole that was created by too much silence and too much support for defunding the police,” he said, adding that the consequence of not immediately rejecting the idea “tarred the Democratic Party broadly across the country with a perception that Democrats were weak and soft on crime.”
Cowan argued that Trump would likely have zeroed in on crime regardless of Democratic policy, but progressives created a sizable opportunity for Trump to make it a winning issue. Now, he said, the party’s problem lies in the policy, and leaders should embrace more centrist stances on crime, such as increasing the number of police in cities, in addition to refining their message.
“The Democratic response is more or less credible, depending on whether the party has or has not addressed its perception crisis on core law and order issues,” he added. “That is a central task for 2028, if you want to return to power.”

Other Democrats, like de Blasio, believe the problem is more one of messaging and have tried to clarify their past moves on policing. The former mayor caught the ire of Trump in 2020 after he decided to cut the NYPD’s budget by $1 billion and shift that money to other city resources.
De Blasio said the decision was meant to offset other budgetary shortfalls and “respond to the legitimate concerns of protesters who wanted to see more money go to communities.”
“It was never meant to embrace the idea of ‘defund the police,” he said. “I don’t think I did a good enough job communicating that distinction.”
To moderate Democrats like Heidi Heitkamp, who served as a senator from North Dakota until she lost reelection in 2018, the party needs to spend more time validating the unease that many voters have about crime.
“Start saying these are real concerns and real problems, and one person being victimized is one too many,” she said. “And we need to have a discussion about what [solution] works and what doesn’t work.”
“I think it’s really dangerous to say this is a perception problem,” she added. “That’s insulting to the people who don’t feel safe.”
Transcript:
AILSA CHANG, HOST:
President Trump has long talked about the importance of law and order. It’s a theme that he returned to this week. He deployed the National Guard to Washington, D.C., and took over the police force. Now, in D.C. and in other Democratic-led cities, Trump has often blamed what he calls radical left policies for crime. And while Democrats are quick to push back, they have often struggled to convince many voters. To break this down for us, we’re joined now by NPR political reporter Elena Moore. Hi, Elena.
ELENA MOORE, BYLINE: Hey there.
CHANG: OK, so we’re seeing Trump basically return to this message of law and order. Why is he revisiting this now in particular?
MOORE: Well, if you ask Democrats, they say it’s a distraction from his handling of the Jeffrey Epstein case. Democrats are also quick to point out that violent crime in D.C. hit a 30-year low last year, and other cities have made similar progress. But Americans feel differently. You know, a majority in a Gallup poll last fall described crime as an extremely or very serious problem. Republicans have long capitalized on that feeling, using it to paint Democrats as weak on crime. So now Trump is amplifying that.
CHANG: Wait, tell us more. What issues has Trump zeroed in on when it comes to crime?
MOORE: Well, the president has come out strongly against cashless bail, arguing it’s the cause of violence in cities, though experts can’t point to data that backs that up as of now. But that’s far from the first time Trump has taken a policy that’s supported by some progressives and used it to attack national Democrats more broadly. You know, take the issue of defund the police. That was the movement in 2020, and it led some city leaders to reduce police budgets and put that money towards other services. But at the same time, you know, a lot of national Democrats flat-out rejected the defund movement, including Joe Biden, who was then running for president. So Republicans were able to latch on to this, even though it was far from an official party policy.
CHANG: Wait, so then, would you say that this is a policy problem for Democrats or is it just a messaging failure?
MOORE: Well, you know, for people like Jon Cowan, who runs the centrist think tank Third Way, he says a lot of this does come down to bad Democratic policy.
JON COWAN: They created a much bigger opening for Trump to make this a winning issue for himself. Because for too many years, we were weak and in the wrong place on these fundamental issues of law and order.
MOORE: He told me Trump would be attacking Democrats no matter what the policy is, but he says the party has a lot of work to do to establish credibility. But at the same time, you know, establishing that credibility isn’t easy. I talked to Bill de Blasio about this. He’s the former Democratic mayor of New York City, and he told me that it was hard to demonstrate progress on fighting crime in the face of GOP attacks.
BILL DE BLASIO: It doesn’t matter how much success you have – didn’t matter in the eyes of the police unions, didn’t matter in the eyes of the Republican Party. And I would struggle with it. I could not accept a world in which truth and perception were so radically out of whack.
MOORE: And worth noting, Ailsa, de Blasio did cut the NYPD’s budget by $1 billion in order to shift money to other city services. And he told me this wasn’t an embrace of the defund the police movement, but he also admitted he didn’t make that distinction clear enough.
CHANG: Well, do other Democrats see a way to overcome this perception problem?
MOORE: I wanted to get Heidi Heitkamp’s thoughts on that. She’s the former senator from North Dakota – a Democrat in a red state. She told me that Democrats just need to do a better job validating voters’ concerns instead of just labeling it a perception problem.
HEIDI HEITKAMP: That’s insulting to the people who don’t feel safe. Quit calling it a perception. Start saying, these are real concerns and real problems, and we need to have a discussion about what works and what doesn’t work.
CHANG: Well, to that point, is President Trump exposing a deeper problem for Democrats here, you think?
MOORE: Well, he’s the face of the GOP, and he has the world’s largest megaphone. Democrats just don’t. They aren’t in power and don’t have a leader, making it hard to unite on a message. And Trump is, for sure, taking advantage of that.
CHANG: That is NPR political reporter Elena Moore. Thank you, Elena.
MOORE: Thanks, Ailsa.
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